One common trait of Missouri legislative politics is that leaders from both parties tend to overpromise heading into a legislative session.
But the 2021 Missouri General Assembly that will reverberate throughout the state for years to come. Republicans finished some priorities that hung in legislative limbo for years. And even the deeply outnumbered Democrats played key roles in influencing the process.
鈥淚 can say pretty definitively that the success and the record of accomplishments we can point to as a leadership team and a Republican caucus is really unmatched,鈥� said Senate Majority Leader Caleb Rowden, R-Columbia.
Yet the success of the past five months that Rowden touts also featured a last day of session that was personified by frustration and the failure to approve some key bills. That includes one must-pass piece of legislation 鈥� a tax on medical providers that helps pay for Medicaid 鈥� that will guarantee a special session. It鈥檚 also prompted questions about the leadership in legislative chambers that could linger into 2022.
Here are eight key takeaways from the legislative session and the impending special sessions that are likely before the year is over.
Persistence paid off
Arguably the most significant aspect of the session was how lawmakers completed bills that had literally been worked on for years 鈥� sometimes more than a decade.
That includes that will bring close to $500 million annually to help fund transportation projects and a sales tax on certain online purchases. And legislators sent a bill to Gov. Mike Parson that would establish , something that Sen. Holly Rehder, R-Scott City, has been working on for all nine years of her General Assembly service.
Rehder attributed the breakthrough to a number of factors, including how much of the state already is plugged into St. Louis County鈥檚 PDMP. But she also said many different groups made a compelling case that the program can help curb opioid abuse.
鈥淭he fact that you have the medical professionals dealing with this every day and wanting this tool,鈥� Rehder said. 鈥淭he fact that you have so many of our counties already in this program, I think those are the two things that really helped. And the fact that everyone knows someone struggling.鈥�
Some bills just wouldn鈥檛 stay dead
Staying on the topic of persistence, Republicans managed to pass items that had consistently failed to get widespread support even with increasingly buoyant supermajorities. That includes a tax credit aimed at drumming up money for public and private K-12 schools and legislation that would institute fines on police departments that the state doesn't have on the books.
In fact, when lawmakers failed to override a veto in 2013 on a somewhat similar gun bill, the sponsor of that bill, then-Sen. Brian Nieves, legislation since it would be back even though people thought it was dead. It turned out Nieves was right: It just took nearly eight years to actually come back to life.
So what changed? For the gun bill, Senate leadership pointed to working on the language with members of the law enforcement community that came out against the 2013 version. And getting the tax credit bill across the finish line required a lot of compromise with both Democrats and Republicans who were less than thrilled with the idea because some say it favors private schools.
鈥淲e were pleasantly surprised and excited to see the legislature has finally risen to the occasion to deliver to the needs of Missouri students,鈥� said state Rep. Phil Christofanelli, R-St. Charles County, who sponsored the tuition tax credit bill.
Ideas that Ferguson inspired finally got traction
Even as Michael Brown鈥檚 death in Ferguson prompted legislators in other states to pass bills intended to foster police accountability, Missouri noticeably lagged behind.
But in 2021, ideas that gained momentum nearly seven years ago, like creating a use-of-force database whenever a police officer kills someone and improving a system to track officers with problematic records, that overwhelmingly passed both chambers. It was the culmination of months of work among Republican and Democratic lawmakers, police groups, civil liberties organizations, and juvenile justice advocates.
鈥淵ou know, George Floyd could have easily been me,鈥� said Sen. Brian Williams, D-University City, one of two Black men serving in the Senate. 鈥淪o I think about Michael Brown, Breonna Taylor. They should be alive today. That was a focus for me.鈥�
Democrats did matter in passing substantive bills
No one ever claimed that being a Democrat in the General Assembly was easy, especially when the paraty has been outnumbered in the House and Senate for years. But there鈥檚 little question that Democrats made an impact this year.
House and Senate Democrats were able to work with Republicans on long-sought items to provide and to They also provided critical votes in passing the gas tax hike.
House Minority Leader Crystal Quade, who managed to get language regarding state child care subsidies into a widely praised bill that GOP Rep. Hannah Kelly sponsored, said legislative success showed that 鈥渙ur caucus is getting stronger and stronger every single day.鈥�
鈥淎nd it doesn鈥檛 take a supermajority to pass good legislation,鈥� said Quade, D-Springfield.
The last day showcased Democratic frustration with leadership
But the era of good feeling soured considerably on Friday when Senate Democrats engaged in a filibuster that led to the chamber adjourning unusually early. Senate Minority Leader John Rizzo was particularly upset that Senate President Pro Tem Dave Schatz voted early Friday morning , which effectively killed the legislation that helps fund the state鈥檚 Medicaid program.
Rizzo, D-Independence, said the flameout over the Federal Reimbursement Allowance showcased that GOP leadership wasn鈥檛 trustworthy. And because of the failure to pass that bill, lawmakers will have to come back for a special session before the FRA expires in late September.
He also said the failure of Senate GOP leadership to take charge of this issue effectively ceded decision-making power to House leadership.
鈥淣ature abhors a vacuum,鈥� Rizzo said. 鈥淎nd when the Senate leadership can鈥檛 deliver, the speaker rules both chambers.鈥�
GOP infighting raged throughout the session
While the last day of session showcased bitter divides between Republicans and Democrats, most of the conflict during the session revolved around splits within the GOP.
That included a particularly uncomfortable situation in January when Parson wrote to House Speaker Rob Vescovo, R-Arnold, for not letting him use the House chamber for the State of the State address. And much of the conflict over the FRA revolved around senators trying to cut off state funding for certain types of birth control or put into law that Missouri couldn鈥檛 provide money to Planned Parenthood.
Some Republicans, including Sen. Bob Onder, R-Lake Saint Louis, were frustrated that legislation that chafed against conservative ideology 鈥� like the gas tax 鈥� got traction while curbs on eminent domain didn鈥檛 even get Senate floor time.
鈥淲hen fully implemented, we鈥檒l have a half-billion-dollar tax increase in the form of the gas tax,鈥� Onder said. 鈥淭he tone deafness is incredible.鈥�
Lack of Medicaid expansion funding isn鈥檛 the end of the story
While the internal wrangling of the legislature grabbed some attention, the biggest takeaway for Missourians may be how the lawmakers Republican leaders cited the long-term financial costs, even after federal money helps pay for the state match.
The legislative inaction prompted Parson to pull the plug on efforts to provide access to the health care program to an estimated 275,000 of the working poor. It sparked outrage among people who felt the issue was settled when voters passed a constitutional amendment on the matter in 2020.
In some ways, though, could actually help expansion proponents, because it could quicken the pace of legal action. But Rizzo said Republicans 鈥渨ant to have all of the adulation to their red meat by saying we are opposing Medicaid expansion knowing on the back end it鈥檚 going to happen in a court.鈥�
鈥淚t鈥檚 a complete political game. It鈥檚 a game that they鈥檙e playing with people鈥檚 lives,鈥� Rizzo said. 鈥淎nd it鈥檚 sad. 鈥� It鈥檚 about how fast and quickly they can move to get more power. And unfortunately in the state of Missouri, it鈥檚 worked for them.鈥�
Some lawmakers want more than just two special sessions
It's unclear whether tensions will linger when lawmakers come back for at least two special sessions on the tax to help pay for Medicaid and for congressional redistricting.
And lawmakers want even more extra time. House Elections Committee Chairman Dan Shaul wants a special session to deal with a photo identification requirement to vote and ballot items making constitutional amendments harder to pass. Others may want a special session dealing with overpayments of unemployment benefits, something that was a key issue for members of the House.
鈥淚 would say that issue鈥檚 not over,鈥� Vescovo said.
Rowden said it isn鈥檛 necessarily fair to claim that the session鈥檚 clear achievements were somehow negated because of what didn鈥檛 pass. He also stressed there鈥檚 plenty of time between now and Sept. 30 to pass the FRA bill.
鈥淭he Senate is a unique place with 34 very, very unique personalities,鈥� Rowden said. 鈥淚 think any notion that because we didn鈥檛 do something that doesn鈥檛 have to be done until September 30 is a somehow a failure 鈥� I think it鈥檚 a misclassification. I think it鈥檚 a very shortsighted view of things.鈥�
Follow Jason on Twitter: @jrosenbaum
